Filmmaker Shakti Samanta’s 1975 movie Amaanush (translated as Inhumane), which went on to win eight Filmfare awards, was shot in the scenic locales of Sandeshkhali, a riverine island on the northern tip of the Sunderbans in the Gangetic Delta, located 77 km from Kolkata. Today, in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections, Sandeshkhali has unfortunately become a flashpoint in Bengal politics, thanks to a slew of disturbing tales from the place.
Rape, Molestation, Land Grab
Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s clarion call of ‘Ma, Maati, Manush‘ (mother, land and people), which swept her into power in 2011, seems steeped in irony today against accounts of late-night molestation of women, rape, land grab, and harassment of this primarily SC/ST-dominated village. The stories go beyond just land grab in fact- agricultural land was dug up and filled with saline water from the delta for setting up fisheries owned by Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders. The women of Sandeshkhali have alleged rape, and that young women were summoned to the TMC’s office late at night, with non-compliance being met with threats of killing the menfolk. The perpetrators of these crimes, apparently, were deemed to be above the law. When villagers went to the police station to lodge their complaints, they were allegedly advised to approach their predators for justice.
It’s well-known that many from West Bengal’s villages migrate to other states in search of jobs. In their absence, the women who stay behind are left vulnerable. Sandeshkhali is no exception.
Hundreds Of Cases Registered
These reports from Sandeshkhali came to light in the days following January 5, the day a mob led by the supporters of TMC leader and Sandeskhali Zila Parishad functionary Sheikh Shahjahan attacked a team of Enforcement Directorate (ED) officers who had gone to search his house in connection with the multi-crore ration scam. Bengal’s former food minister Jyotpriya Mallick is already in jail for his alleged involvement in the scandal. Over the last month, more than 600 cases of land grab and around 1,400 cases of molestation and similar crimes have been registered.
The West Bengal government, in an attempt to dispel the controversy, has set up centres for receiving the villagers’ complaints and announced that their land would be returned. Shahjahan, however, would be absconding for 56 days after January 5 before being arrested by the state police last week, only when the Calcutta High Court clarified that the ED or the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) could arrest him too, apart from the state police. Later, the High Court directed the state police that he be handed over to the CBI, which is probing the January 5 assault on the ED personnel.
The Long State-ED Tussle
Unprecedented drama followed. The state police refused to hand over the accused to the CBI despite clear directions from the High Court, on the plea that a revision was being sought from the Supreme Court, which, by the way, suo motu refused to entertain the state’s plea expeditiously. Shahjahan was finally handed over to the CBI only on Tuesday evening, after a long, protracted tussle.
The CBI is a central agency and law and order are state subjects. Under Section 6 of the law governing its functioning, the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, it needs general consent from the state concerned to investigate a crime there. West Bengal is among the 10 states that have withdrawn general consent; others are Punjab, Jharkhand, Kerala, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram, Telangana, Meghalaya, and Tamil Nadu. The CBI, apart from the ED, is currently probing multiple scam cases in Bengal under the orders of the High Court, upheld by the Supreme Court. Thus, obstructions to the functioning of these central agencies are tantamount to contempt of court. The Shahjahan arrest saga has even been listed for contempt proceedings by the High Court and the outcome may set a precedent.
Bengal’s Many Scams
Around 10 cases are under the scanner in Bengal, which include, apart from the ration scam, alleged irregularities in the recruitment of school teachers and recruitments in municipalities. In addition to Mallick, former education minister Partha Chatterjee is lodged in jail, while TMC strongman Anubrata Mondal of Birbhum is in Delhi’s Tihar jail in connection with money-laundering charges and smuggling of cattle across the border. In none of these arrests did the West Bengal police try to thwart central agencies. The resistance offered by the state in the case of Shahjahan, therefore, has thrown up questions.
Shahjahan initially came into focus after the money trail in the ration distribution scam took the ED to Dubai. The raid on January 5 and his subsequent disappearance opened a can of worms. It also emboldened the local populace, including the women, to come out in protest. But the issue of land grabs and harassment in Sandeshkhali had featured in the West Bengal assembly a few years back too when tribal leader and the then-Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) MLA Nirapada Sardar flagged it. The Speaker, however, disallowed discussions on it.
Last month, Nirapada was arrested and kept in custody for 17 days. He claimed that he was not in Sandeshkhali at the time he was alleged to have disturbed public order. While releasing him, the High Court chided the police for the fact that the FIR against him was dated February 9 while it stated that the complaint had been received on February 10. The Shahjahan saga need not be read in isolation, therefore.
EC’s Indictment, National Opposition’s Silence
Meanwhile, while the drama was unfolding, the Election Commission was in West Bengal as part of its pre-poll visit to all states. The Chief Election Commissioner, Rajiv Kumar, flanked by his two colleagues, did something unprecedented: he held a press conference to announce that the EC had warned the state’s chief secretary and Director-General of Police that they would be deemed responsible if the Lok Sabha elections are not conducted in a fair manner. His observation was an indictment of West Bengal’s civil services and police cadre, who once were a beacon to India’s civil servants.
In 2006, the Supreme Court , among its other observations on the need for police reforms, had suggested setting up state security commissions in order to insulate police from extraneous pressures. The Sandeshkhali saga underscores the need for this step.
The controversy, naturally, has provided munition for a political slugfest ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s three public meetings in the state saw the spotlight being focused sharply on the issue. The local unit of the Congress has been vocal as well, though neither Mallikarjun Kharge nor Rahul Gandhi have spoken up. Priyanka Vadra, too, has not found Sandeshkhali attractive enough. The same goes for Lalu Yadav, his son Tejashwi, and Akhilesh Yadav, who did not find a reference to Sandeshkhali worth their while at the impressive Jan Vishwas Rally in Patna last week.
Mamata’s Figleaf
Mamata Banerjee has chosen to brush aside the allegations and describe the women of Sandeshkhali as ‘BJP agents’. This when the state police seem to be acting as Shahjahan’s protector. To counter Modi’s charge that women and their safety and well-being have been neglected in Bengal, Mamata yesterday announced higher remuneration for Anganwadi and ASHA workers.
In 2011, Mamata stormed the CPI(M)’s Red Fort in West Bengal on her ‘Maa, Maati, Manush‘ plank. In 2024, she finds herself beleaguered by a Shahjahan. West Bengal stares at a deeply volatile situation as the Lok Sabha polls approach.
(Shubhabrata Bhattacharya is a retired Editor and a public affairs commentator.)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author.
