There are certain typical narratives about Indian elections. The rich and wealthy are apathetic towards the democratic process because it doesn’t impact their status. Many urban middle-class voters treat voting day as a holiday because political parties don’t have much to offer them. As a result, it is predominantly the poor who vote in order to obtain benefits such as money, clothes, televisions, and other incentives. In short, it’s ‘quid pro quo’ – money and freebies in exchange for votes.
In the assembly polls held earlier in Karnataka, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, and recently in Haryana, a bundle of freebies was promised to the carefully identified vote banks of the political parties. For the forthcoming assembly elections in Maharashtra (November 20) and Jharkhand (two phases – November 13 and 20), major political parties are competing with one another to entice voters.
There is a difference between welfare policies and freebies. Welfare policies – such as free public services in education and health – are meant for all sections of society and are included in the state budget and government programmes. In contrast, a select vote bank is the recipient of freebies aimed at securing their votes.
Of the major states that have gone to the polls since 2023, nearly all, regardless of the party in power, have introduced new freebie schemes, raising fears that this culture is now here to stay.
Free electricity, power subsidies, free travel on state buses for women, farm loan waivers, free laptops, free gas cylinders, and financial aid for women, unemployed youth, farmers, and labourers are some of the freebies offered in these state elections since 2023. According to estimates, the cost of these freebies for some states like Maharashtra is projected to be as high as ₹96,000 crore, or 2.2% of the state’s GDP.
Uncontrolled expenditure by leaders on populism has historically attracted voters and helped them create vote banks and win elections. However, in the long run, it undermines the quality of life, as the freebie culture results in lower capital expenditure on essential needs like healthcare, education, infrastructure, research, and development. It also leads to a budgetary crisis, as we are witnessing in various states. Ultimately, the honest taxpayer is left to bear this burden.
How It Began
The politics of freebies began in Tamil Nadu in 1967 with the distribution of cheap rice. DMK founder C.N. Annadurai promised around 4.5 kg of rice for Re 1 through the state public distribution system (PDS). After winning the elections, Annadurai became chief minister and implemented the scheme. However, it had to be scrapped soon due to the financial burden. Chief Minister N.T. Ramarao did something similar in Andhra Pradesh.
The freebie culture reached new heights in the Tamil Nadu assembly elections in 2006 and 2011, when both the AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) and the DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) introduced their election manifestos by announcing schemes for the free distribution of colour television sets, grinders, mixers, electric fans, laptop computers, employment, land, and more.
“This is not a new phenomenon. It started in the ’80s and ’90s in Tamil Nadu. Now, it appears to have spread across the country, with political parties, particularly those in power, launching populist schemes,” says political analyst Javed Ansari.
The Ladli Behna Yojana helped the BJP return to power in Madhya Pradesh even after 18 years of rule. However, in Telangana, K. Chandrashekhar Rao’s BRS (Bharat Rashtra Samithi) lost power in the state elections despite offering a plethora of freebies. Voters found Congress’ offerings more attractive. In Rajasthan, the five guarantees and other incentives from the Ashok Gehlot government did not help Congress regain power.
Freebies played an important role in the Chhattisgarh elections, where both the ruling Congress and BJP offered freebies. Yet, the BJP won the state elections, indicating that while freebies are a vital feature, they are not the sole determinant of electoral outcomes. Congress’ significant victory over the ruling BJP in Karnataka in 2023 was due to a host of freebies offered to the public, coupled with anti-incumbency sentiment. Credibility in implementing past welfare promises also matters.
Attractive Offers
The opposition parties doubled down on freebies, especially after the AAP (Aam Aadmi Party) victory in Punjab and the Congress’s victory in Himachal Pradesh in 2022, where both parties had offered many incentives to the public.
In the battle of transactional elections, there is an ongoing race among political parties for competitive populism. For the upcoming Jharkhand Assembly elections, the ruling Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) has made the ‘Maiya Samman Yojana’ its main poll plank. As part of this welfare scheme launched in August, women aged between 18 and 50 from underprivileged communities are eligible to receive ₹2,500 per month (an increase from the previous ₹1,000). The political aim was to counter the BJP’s Parivartan Yatra, which concluded on October 2 with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rally in Hazaribagh. The BJP has also promised to introduce a scheme for women called the “Gogo Didi Yojana” if it returns to power, offering beneficiaries ₹2,100 per month.
In Maharashtra, the pre-poll budget alone saw the announcement of schemes worth ₹96,000 crore, including the Mukhya Mantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, on which the Mahayuti alliance government has pinned considerable hope. Significant generosity is being shown to politically important cooperative spinning mills and sugar factories, alongside attempts to balance caste equations.
Whether these incentives will help the JMM regain power in Jharkhand and the Mahayuti alliance in Maharashtra will be known later.
The BJP, which until recently criticised freebies as ‘revdi’ and mocked opposition parties for offering them, has enthusiastically joined the race, matching or exceeding Congress’ offers in these elections.
In the just-concluded Haryana elections, both Congress and the BJP sought to lure voters with a slew of freebies. The Congress’s key promises included a ₹2,000 monthly allowance for women, a ₹6,000 pension for seniors, widows, and the disabled, 300 units of free electricity per household, as well as commitments to conduct a caste survey, enact an MSP law, and restore the Old Pension Scheme. However, the BJP’s manifesto, promising two lakh government jobs and ₹2,100 per month under the ‘Lado Laxmi Yojana’, ultimately resonated with voters.
The Supreme Court is currently hearing challenges against the practice of offering and distributing freebies during election campaigns. The Court’s decision will determine how political parties contest elections in India.
Indeed, electoral politics has long ceased to be ideology-driven. Instead, it has become transactional, with legislators primarily motivated by the desire to win elections and secure lucrative portfolios in the ruling alliance. For many, self-interest triumphs over the common good.
(The author is Contributing Editor, NDTV)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
